23/06/2022 | Notas |

These types of other efficiency was because of cross-linguistic differences in the new features of your own BSL and you will ASL lexicons

These types of other efficiency was because of cross-linguistic differences in the new features of your own BSL and you will ASL lexicons

Relationship certainly one of lexical and you will phonological qualities

Next we examined relationships among the lexical and phonological properties of the signs in ASL-LEX to gain insight into how phonological, lexical, and semantic factors interact in the ASL lexicon. s = –0.14, p < 0.001. Although it is possible that this inverse correlation is driven by the relatively higher frequency of closed-class words which may be lower in iconicity than other signs, the negative correlation remains when closed-class words (i.e., words with a “minor” Lexical Class) are excluded (r s = –0.17, p < 0.001). This result is compatible with the early proposal that with frequent use, signs may move away from their iconic origins, perhaps due to linguistic pressures to become more integrated into the phonological system (Frishberg, 1975). Interestingly, the direction of this relationship was the opposite of that found for British Sign Language; that is, Vinson et al. (2008) reported a weak positive correlation between frequency and iconicity: r = .146, p < .05. Alternatively, the different correlations might be due differences in stimuli selection. Vinson et al. (2008) intentionally selected stimuli that had a range of iconicity values which resulted in a bimodal iconicity distribution while we did not select signs for inclusion in ASL-LEX based on their iconicity.

Regularity and you can iconicity z-score (SignFrequency(Z) and you will Iconicity(Z)) were rather negatively correlated along (select Desk step one), with more repeated cues rated just like the shorter legendary; but not, so it dating was weakened, r

A lot of phonological attributes try highly synchronised and in of a lot instances for the reason that how they are laid out (see Table 1). Including, for each and every big place is made of one or more minor metropolitan areas-high frequency slight locations usually for this reason nearly invariably be discovered within the higher frequency biggest places, and handshape regularity is actually furthermore about chosen hand and you may bending frequency. While doing so, all the three methods out of Society Thickness try very coordinated which have one other partially as they are furthermore laid out and you can partly single Crossdresser dating due to the fact one natives you to share four of five sub-lexical services (Maximal People Thickness) tend to necessarily and show one of five sandwich-lexical characteristics (Restricted Society Density). In the long run, the about three Society Density actions is correlated with every of your own sub-lexical frequency measures. This is going to make sense since by the meaning, prominent sub-lexical features can be found in many signs.

Interestingly, the basic sub-lexical frequencies are completely uncorrelated with each other, with the exception of selected fingers and minor location which are significantly but weakly correlated (r = .10, p < .01). This finding suggests that the space of possible ASL signs is rather large as each sub-lexical property can (to a first degree of approximation) vary independently of the others. This property contrasts with spoken languages where phoneme frequency is correlated across different syllable positions. For example, using position-specific uniphone frequencies from Vitevitch and Luce (2004) we estimate that in English monosyllabic words, vowel frequency is negatively correlated with the frequency of the preceding consonant (r = –.07, p < .001) and positively correlated with the following consonant (r = .17, p < .001), and that onset consonants have highly correlated frequencies (r = –.51, p < .001). We speculate that the relative independence of ASL sub-lexical features is related to both the motoric independence of the manual articulators (e.g., finger flexion is unaffected by the location of the hand in signing space) as well as the relative simultaneity of manual articulation (as opposed to serial oral articulation). We note that these non-significant correlations are for sub-lexical frequency only; specific sub-lexical properties have been argued to co-vary systematically (e.g., signs produced in locations far from the face may be more likely to be symmetrical, two-handed, and have larger, horizontal, and vertical motions; Siple, 1978).

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